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The translation of one chapter of the Samadhiraja-sutra sets out on the path begun jointly by Regamey and Schayer in the 30's. We have the benefit not only of their pioneering labors, but of road-building tools unavailable to them. Since their time some excellent editorial work has been done by Nalinaksa Dutt on the Sanskrit text, and its philosophic groundwork has been thoroughly explored by western and Indian scholars. Furthermore its place in the Tibetan context has been discovered. Any failings, therefore, will not reflect on their magnificent example.<br> The chapter presented here is the eleventh, "On Mastering the Sūtra" (mdo sde 'dzin pa'i le'u). It is of interest for its discussion of the Bodhisattva's function in the world.<br> The full title of the sutra, as it appears in the Bka'-' gyur, is the ''Arya-sarvadharma-svabhāva-samatā-vipañcita-samādhirāja-mahāyāna-sūtra'', "the noble sūtra of the greater vehicle, known as the King of Samādhis, which explains in detail the similarity of all dharmas in their own-being." It is also known as the ''Candrapradīpa'' after its principal interlocutor, the Bodhisattva Candraprabha. It is an expansive (''vaipulya'') sūtra, surviving in its entirety in Sanskrit and Tibetan, which elaborates in great detail the doctrines and practices of the early Mādhyamika. It is a source-work for the philosophy of the leaders of the Mahāyāna in India, from Candrakīrti to Atīśa. Its translation and that of the major commentary were done during the two "great spreads" of the Doctrine in Tibet, and in that country tooit has been a fundamental text. (Tatz, introduction, 1–2) +
No abstract given. Here is the first relevant paragraph:<br><br>
From ancient times, the origin of "''tathāgata''", which has been usually translated as 如 來 (one who comes thus), is not unknown. This has been used as the title of Buddha, chiefly in Buddhism from the start.<br> Now, I will consider the meaning of "''tathāgata''" in the ''Abhisamayālaṃkārālokā Prajñāpāramitā-vyākhyā'' of Haribhadra (ed. by Wogihara) (W.). This includes the ''Aṣṭasāhasrikā-Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra'' (''As.''), Maitreya's ''Abhisamayālaṃkāraśāstra-kārikā'' (''A.'') which is a summary of the ''Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā-Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra'' (''P.''), and Haribhadra's commentary which is based on the ''P.'' and the ''As.'' Accordingly at first, I point out sentences of "''tathāgata''", which I think as the etymological explanations, and then survey the character of it. (Mano, "'Tathāgata' in Haribhadra's Commentary," 22) +
Biography of Chekawa Yeshe Dorje. +
''The Treatise on the Compendium of Vinaya'', one of the earliest Bön texts on the Vinaya, by Metön Sherab Özer. Contains a critique of meat consumption focusing specifically on the question of compassion. +
'Dul ba mdo rtsa ba'i rgya cher 'grel spyi'i don mtha' dpyad dang bsdus don sa bcad dang 'bru yi don mthar chags su gnyer ba bcas 'dzam bu'i gling gsal bar byed pa'i rgyan nyi ma'i dkyil 'khor zhes bya ba glegs bam dang po +
The Eighth Karmapa Mikyö Dorje's commentary on Guṇaprabha's ''Vinayasūtra'' (T. 'Dul ba'i mdo). The ''Vinayasūtra'' offers a summary or condensation of the massive Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya. At approximately one quarter the length of this massive vinaya collection, Guṇaprabha's abridgment seems to have functioned as a kind of primer on the monastic code, omitting lengthy passages of scripture and providing the code of conduct to which monks were expected to subscribe. Mikyö Dorje's commentary spans 3 volumes (7–9) of his Collected Works. This is the first volume.
* For a discussion of meat in tantric ritual offerings, see pages 541–44. +
Commentary on the ''Vinayasūtra'' by Dalai Lama 01 Gendun Drupa (1391-1474). +
Butön's commentary on the ''Vinayasūtra'' of Guṇaprabha; written in 1356 at the behest of Rin po che par ri ba with bsod nams dpal grub as scribe. (Source: [http://purl.bdrc.io/resource/WA0XL97C5C32B1A58 BDRC]) +
'''Abstract'''
This study hopes to contribute to the field of Tibetan intellectual history and to the understanding of Buddhist vows through the investigation of the Bodhisattva vow as seen from the perspective of Tibetan scholars, using 'Jig rten mgon po as an example.<br> Research by scholars in the past has led to a better understanding of the contents and importance of the Bodhisattva vows in Mahāyāna Buddhism. While some have focused on the earlier explanations found in Buddhist sūtras, others have concentrated on the later development of the Bodhisattva vows discussed in Indian Buddhist commentaries. However, within the field of Tibetan intellectual history, modem scholars have begun to recognize the importance of the so-called "''Three Vows''" (''sdom gsum'') genre found in Tibetan Buddhist writings. To date, there has been no in-depth investigation of the complex historical development of the Bodhisattva vows of Tibetan Buddhism, in which the transformation of the concept of ''bodhicitta'' (enlightenment attitude) has played a significant role.<br> In this dissertation, I seek to provide a thorough investigation of the Bodhisattva vows from the period of Indian Buddhism to that of Tibetan Buddhism. Secondly, by analyzing the views held by 'Jig rten mgon po, based chiefly on that part of his work, "Single Intention" (''Dgongs gcig''), which concerns the ''Bodhisattva'' vows, I will highlight his distinctive concerns regarding this subject. In collating the numerous arguments between the Sa skya pa and the Bka' brgyud pa scholars around this topic, I will attempt to decipher and resolve some points which will contribute to a further understanding of medieval Tibetan intellectual history. In the second part, I will provide translations of two commentaries on the chapter of the Bodhisattva vow of the ''Dgongs gcig''.<br> In general, the intent of this dissertation is to pursue these investigations utilizing a philological and historical perspective while taking into account both Indian and Tibetan traditions.
A commentary on the ''Viśeṣastava'' by Khunu Lama Tenzin Gyaltsen. This abridged commentary by Khunu Lama was published in Dharamsala (around 1966) by the Council for Religious Affairs and the Tibetan Cultural Printing Press (1996). It was also published by Drepung Loseling Educational Society Publication (1995). This text has also been in the syllabus of the language courses of the Tibetan Medical and Astrological Institute, Dharamsala, and the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharamsala. (Source: "A Note on the ''Viśeṣastava'' (''Khyad par 'phags bstod''); ''"Superior Verses in Praise [of Buddha Šakyamuni]"'' by Ācārya Sangye T. Naga, 50) +
This is another criticism of Mipam's commentary (''Nor bu ke ta ka'') by Drakar Lobzang Palden Tenzin Nyendrak (Brag dkar blo bzang dpal ldan bstan 'dzin snyan grags).
Type of Commentary: objections to Mipam's commentary, ''Nor bu ke ta ka'' (second part)<br>Length: 16<br> Tradition: Geluk +
A polemic against certain aspects of Mipam's ''Norbu ketaka'', based on scriptural sources and reasoning.
Type of Commentary: The main polemic against certain aspects of Mipam's commentary on the 9th chapter of the ''BCA''<br>Length: 59<br>Tradition: Geluk +
Notes on the manual of commentary on the Bhadracaryapranidhana by Khenchen Jigme Phuntsok. +
'phags pa dri ma med par grags pas bstan pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po'i mdo (Jeweled Lotus Publishing, 2015) +
A recension of the Tibetan ''Vimalakīrtrinirdeśasūtra'' published by Jeweled Lotus Publishing, 2022. +
'phags pa dri ma med par grags pas bstan pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po'i mdo (Jeweled Lotus Publishing, 2017) +
Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (T. Dri med grags pas bstan pa'i mdo; C. Weimo jing; J. Yuimagyō; K. Yuma kyǒng 維摩經). In Sanskrit, "Vimalakīrti's Instructions"; one of the most beloved Indian Mahāyāna sūtras, renowned especially for having a layman, the eponymous Vimalakīrti, as its protagonist. The text probably dates from around the second century CE. Among the seven translations of the sūtra into Chinese, the most famous is that made by Kumārajīva in 406. His translation seems to have been adapted to appeal to Chinese mores, emphasizing the worldly elements of Vimalakīrti's teachings and introducing the term "filial piety" into the text. The sūtra was also translated by Xuanzang in 650. The sūtra was translated into Tibetan twice, the more famous being that of Chos nyid tshul khrims in the ninth Century. It has also been rendered into Sogdian, Khotanese, and Uighur. The original Sanskrit of the text was lost for over a millennia until a Sanskrit manuscript was discovered in the Po ta la palace in Tibet in 2001. The narrative of the sūtra begins with the Buddha requesting that his leading Śrāvaka disciples visit his lay disciple Vimalakīrti, who is ill. Each demurs, recounting a previous meeting with Vimalakīrti in which the layman had chastised the monk for his limited understanding of the dharma. The Buddha then instructs his leading bodhisattva disciples to visit Vimalakīrti. Each again demurs until MañjuśrI reluctantly agrees. Vimalakīrti explains that his sickness is the sickness of all sentient beings, and goes on to describe how a sick bodhisattva should understand his sickness, emphasizing the necessity of both wisdom (''prajñā'') and method (''upāya''). A large audience of monks and bodhisattvas then comes to Vimalakīrti's house, where he delivers a sermon on "inconceivable liberation" (''acintyavimokṣa''). Among the audience is Śariputra, the wisest of the Buddha's śrāvaka disciples. As in other Mahāyāna sūtras, the eminent śrāvaka is made to play the fool, repeatedly failing to understand how all dichotomies are overcome in emptiness (''śūnyatā''), most famously when a goddess momentarily transforms him into a female. Later, a series of bodhisattvas take turns describing various forms of duality and how they are overcome in nonduality. Vimalakīrti is the last to be invited to speak. He remains silent and is praised for this teaching of the entrance into nonduality. The sūtra is widely quoted in later literature, especially on the topics of emptiness, method, and nonduality. It became particularly famous in East Asia because the protagonist is a layman, who repeatedly demonstrates that his wisdom is superior to that of monks. Scenes from the sūtra are often depicted in East Asian Buddhist art. (Source: "Vimalakīrtinirdeśa." In ''The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism'', 971. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt46n41q.27.)
<i>'phags pa rgyal sras zhi ba lha</i> [འཕགས་པ་རྒྱལ་སྲས་ཞི་བ་ལྷ།]. +
Prof. Sempa Dorje's ''<i>'</i>Phags pa sA lu'i ljang pa zhes bya ba'i mdo don legs par bshad pa blo gsal rna ba'i rgyan'' (''An Adornment to the Ears of those with Clear Minds, Elucidating the Meaning of the Arya Śālistamba Sūtra, or Seeing Interdependent Origination, the Dharma, and the Buddha: A Commentary on the Ārya Śālistamba-Sūtra'')—is the first and currently the only treatment of the ''Śālistambasūtra'' composed in Tibetan by a Himalayan Buddhist scholar. (Wolf, "Seeing the Interdependent Arising, the Dharma, and the Buddha," 2022) +
<i>'phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa'i man ngag</i> [འཕགས་པ་ཤེས་རབ་ཀྱི་ཕ་རོལ་ཏུ་ཕྱིན་པའི་མན་ངག།]. +
Sumpa Khenpo's history of India, Tibet, China, and Mongolia +
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Read the full text of this work here on our website. +
Read the full text of this work here on our website. +
